EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLICATIONS OF JOHN LOCKE’S SOCIAL CONTRACT THEORY ON GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA (1999 – 2000)
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- 1-5 Chapters
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- Recommended for : Student Researchers
- NGN 3000
ABSTRACT
Nigeria is a multi-ethnic society with a conglomerate of nations each with distinct and unique identities and values but fused together as a state by European imperialism in Africa as perfected by British colonialism. Since the advent of British rule following amalgamation of the colonies in 1914 through independence in 1960 and date, there has been plethora of governments and various constitutions aimed at arriving at a social contract that serves all ethnics on the basis of equity and equality. The Nigerian state has grappled with the issues of ensuing and sustaining equity and justice among the component units and across the regions since independence and even though this challenge is not peculiar to one government, the spate of agitations for equity and equality by the regions of the ‘South East and South South’ hits an alarming rate under the current civilian administration of Muhammadu Buhari. Therefore, this study is an investigation of the veracity of claims of ineqsssuality that currently characterises the federal formation in terms of distribution of national wealth and federal appointments that has left certain regions in palpable agitations and the study is constructed on the justificatory thesis of John Lock’s end of civil government. The theoretical basis of the study centres on theories like John Rawl’s Theory of Justice, Rational Choice and Game theory but Game theory especially, provided the theoretical base for the realisation of the research objectives. Game theory as propounded by the likes of John Von Neumann posits that political actors or public office holders pursues political power in the manner of game, where winner may either takes all or take most of the benefits; as such, electoral contests is seen as a game and voters are rewarded on the basis of their patronage. In other words, the political disposition of the ‘South East and South South’ regions to opposition politics explains the basis of its removal from distributive politics at the federal level. Methodologically, survey design and cross sectional study was adopted. Residents of the ‘South East and South South’ geopolitical zones constituted study population and a sample size of 1320 was drawn using Cochran formula with 594 respondents selected from each of the 6 states studied using purposive sampling technique; while 32 key informants were interviewed. The data collected were analysed using univariate and bivariate methods for statistical data; and ethnographic method of content analysis for qualitative data. The research found that value system of ethnic inclination and bias (87.0% of respondents) and lack of resource control (69.0% of respondents) are major determinant of agitation among the people of ‘South East and South South’ geopolitical zones which propels agitations including call for secession. The conclusion of the study is that as the agitation continues, it may escalate and get beyond the control of the government and as such recommends among other things, that the current structure should be renegotiated to accommodate demands of geopolitical zones without political undertone or political party orientation.
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